From the Kindertransport of the 1930s to the resettlement of Syrian refugees today, British immigration policy has been subject to an ongoing struggle over British national identity, pitting idealised notions of liberal ‘British values’ against competing pressures to exclude and discriminate.
The ‘racialisation’ of class in Britain has been a consequence of the weakening of ‘class’ as a political idea since the 1970s – it is a new construction, not an historic one.
Those at the forefront of current fights over public housing are as much part of the working class as the 'white van man'. But how does the ‘white van man’ come to stand in for the working class in debates over class, race and nation?
The second of a two part essay on race, racism and the making of the English working class.
The English working class has long been a multi-ethnic formation, shaped by both racism and anti-racism.
In the mid-1970s a socialist bloc at the heart of the government proposed a radical response to economic and environmental crises, elements of which are now back in vogue.
However destructive recent mismanagement of the Co-operative Group has been, the root cause of co-operative sector difficulties runs much deeper, stemming from an unresolved contradiction at the heart of the model itself.
Democracy poses unique challenges to wealth defence, and yet market democracies have achieved some of the highest degrees of wealth inequality in human history. How have the rich managed the contradiction between formal equality and material disparity?
Wealth concentration is the single most enduring economic pattern across all polities from ancient Mesopotamia to the present. In their ceaseless battle against the threat of redistribution, oligarchs eventually hit upon an enduring solution: the tax state.
English and French nationalism were forged through centuries of bitter military rivalry that carved out a new European, and ultimately global, order.